7. L7 forensic cognition: emotion and memory Flashcards

1
Q

Uses for forensic psychology

A
  • Jury decision-making, effects of contradiction and ambiguity of evidence
  • Profiling: characterising a suspect before there apprehended
  • Risk assessment: custody decision
  • Criminal responsibility: impacts of mental illness or drugs on behaviour
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2
Q

forensic psychology most relevant to cognition

A

Eye witness testimony
- Memory for traumatic events and crimes
- Accuracy of testimony
- Interview techniques
- Assessing credibility
- Mainly based on recall

Eye witness identification
- Mainly based on recognition

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3
Q

detail for emotional events

A
  • This is often what judges are looking for details on plates, hair, eye colour, times of day, who said what
  • Memory for emotional events is characterised by better memory for the gist but worse memory for the details
  • this can be seen in the De Rijke example (false memories and recollection of details)
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4
Q

weapon focus effect

A
  • If an attacker has a weapon, memory for details of appearance is impaired
  • This is the effect of emotion (i.e., threat, anxiety)
  • Or distinctiveness/salience? Very distinctive event (Mitchell et al., 1998, “celery focus effect”)
  • Highly focused on weapon creates an Attentional tunnel
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5
Q

tunnel memory Safer (1999)

A
  • Showed subjects 1 of 2 series of slides
  • Identical except for a few slides
  • One traumatic (e.g., woman gets throat slashed with knife)
  • One neutral (e.g., woman gets handed keys)
  • Followed by 4AFC slide recognition and asked which slide they saw in the study condition
  • For the emotional condition 34% of participants inaccurately remembered being closer to the emotional event than they actually were
  • Paid less attention to the details on the periphery
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6
Q

Cases of emotional memory failing to retrieve the gist
Crombag et al. (1996)
Talarico & Rubin (2003)

A

Talarico & Rubin (2003): Flashbulb memories
- Memory for 9/11 (vs. neutral event) after 1d, 1w, 6w, 32w
- elevated levels of confidence and perceived vividness (i.e. belief in their accuracy) rather than improved accuracy and consistency
- not greater accuracy but greater perceived accuracy

Crombag et al. (1996)
- flashbulb-like memories for events that were never witnessed (e.g., remembering seeing a particular plane crash on TV although there was no video footage of the crash)

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7
Q

Cases of emotional memory failing to retrieve the gist
implanted memories

A
  • Parents provide events from childhood
  • Participants interviewed about them
  • Plus suggestion of one fictional event (e.g., getting sick after eating egg salad; being lost in a mall; riding a hot air balloon)
  • Approx. 30% of participants develop detailed, often vivid memories of fictional event
  • Can have impact on behaviour (e.g., less egg salad consumed)
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8
Q

Cases of emotional memory failing to retrieve the gist
memory of child sexual abuse

A
  • Individuals were interviewed and there were people with
    ○ Continuous memories of CSA
    ○ Discontinuous (recovered) memories of CSA
    §Spontaneous, random and surprising
    § Anticipated recover like in therapy
  • Corroborative evidence was sought (e.g., confession, other victims, etc.)
  • 0% for recovered in therapy because memories can be created via suggestion
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9
Q

summary or emotional recollection of events and details

A
  • While on average, emotion improves (gist) memory, this can be explained by general memory principles (e.g., distinctiveness), and need not rely on a “special” mechanism
    ○ Although: Emotion modulates memory through amygdala activation (Phelps, 2004)
  • Memory can still fail
    ○ impaired memory for detail
    ○ even entirely false memories of emotional events
  • Perceived reliability of emotional memories is inflated (both introspectively and in public opinion)
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10
Q

Post-event information effects

A
  • Events that happen after the critical even are not neutral
  • They often disturb memory
  • What does post event information do to the original information?
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11
Q

Misinformation effects (loftus, 1978)

A
  • the car, stop sign give way sign etc
  • three conditions: control, consistent and inconsistent
  • People in the inconsistent group started favouring the wrong answer suggested during questioning
  • People absorb suggestive information presented after the event and reproduce it later on
    Is this due to altered memory or response bias/strategy?
  • To find this there is an unbiased test alternative
  • Stop sign in the slides
  • Give way sign misleading question
  • Then when asked to recollect given the choice of lights or stop sign
  • If memory for STOP altered or impaired, misinformation effect should show up even with novel test alternative— and it does, but the effect is smaller (Payne et al., 1994)
  • People can have a strategy/bias to report most recent information
  • but—as demonstrated by unbiased test—post event misinformation also directly alters memory for event because it…
    ○ is more recent = stronger (remember temporal distinctiveness?)
    ○ interferes with event retrieval
    (or partially overwrites event memory)
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12
Q

boundary conditions for post-event misonformation

A
  • Misinformation needs to be plausible
  • Source needs to be credible
  • therefore Misinformation effects can be reduced if credibility or believability of source is questioned
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13
Q

combating post-event misinformation effects

A
  • Public statement early after the events
  • Warnings: “Some of the questions contained misleading information”
    ○ Undermines credibility
    ○ Increases strategic monitoring
  • Timing
    ○ Vulnerability grows with delay between event and misinformation
    Forgetting of event details over time
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14
Q

cognitive interview
what is it
based on two theories

A

Police aim to get better information from interviewees based on two theories of memory:

  1. Encoding specificity (e.g., Tulving, 1983)
    ○ Only those cues present at encoding are effective at retrieval
    ○ Encourage witnesses to reinstate context * What was the weather like? * How were you feeling?
    ○ What did you smell?
    ○ Encourage witnesses to recall everything, no matter how trivial—this may cue recall of something important
    ○ In reality, witness is often interrupted (every ~12s) and recall of trivial details is discouraged
  2. Associative network theory (e.g., Bower, 1981)
    ○ Retrieval benefits from activation of as many different pathways as possible
    ○ Repeated recall attempts from different perspectives
    ○ What would someone have seen from the other side?
    ○ What would you have seen as a bird?
    ○ Recall events in varied order
    ○ Proceed forward and/or backward from different points
    Also helps to assess credibility
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15
Q

effectiveness of the cognitive interview
Cons

A

Geiselman et al. (1985)
- 35% additional material recalled
- No substantial increase in errors
- Accuracy around 90%

George & Clifford (1995)
- Hertfordshire police (U.K.) trained in CI techniques
- Actual witnesses randomly allocated to CI or conventional follow-up interview
- CI secured five times as much information per question as conventional techniques

cons
- Time-consuming
- Takes a lot of training
- Need cooperative witnesses

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16
Q

eyewitness identification improper procedure

A
  • Suspect-only “line-up” showing people one photo
    ○ “Is this the guy?”
  • Make witness assume that the perpetrator is very likely in the line-up
  • Line-up conductor knows who the suspect is and/or where they are in the line-up
    ○ Can intentionally or unintentionally influence the witness
    ○ Bias witness towards making positive ID (“response bias”)
  • Rely on confidence judgements in the courtroom
    ○ Confidence is strongly related to accuracy only in the initial test (and only if the line-up is fair) (see Wixted & Watts, 2017)
  • Create line-ups that are unfair (where suspect stands out)
    ○ Inflates ID confidence
    Issues with relative judgement processes
17
Q

relative judgment in an eyewitness line up

A
  • identify the person who looks most like the culprit relative to the other members of the lineup
  • Not benign because it is subject to bias and stereotypes
  • Strong evidence for relative judgement, even if crim is not in line up the innocent person who look most similar will be convicted
18
Q

reduce eyewitness line-up error

A
  1. Avoid showing only one person and asking witness to confirm or deny
    ○ high demand put pressure
    ○ High chance of confirmation
  2. Warn witnesses tht perp may not be present
    ○ Extremely important and now routinely done
    ○ Reduces bias to make ID and relative judgements
    ○ Otherwise false identifications of up to 78%
  3. Present blank line-up first (all foils)
    ○ Accuracy check: selection of foil suggests “bad” witness
    ○ Blank line-ups do not reduce subsequent willingness to make ID or subsequent accuracy
  4. Blind testing: Person conducting line-up should not know which person in the line-up is the suspect (or at least should not know suspect position in line-up, if line-up blinded)
    ○ Avoids intentional and unintentional suggestion
  5. Take into consideration first-ID confidence only
    ○ Prevents reliance on inflated confidence IDs after contamination through multiple tests
  6. Sequential vs. simultaneous line-ups
    ○ Sequential line-ups reduce relative judgement processes
    ○ But: Sequential line-ups suffer from order effects (Wilson et al., 2019): People’s discriminability reduces with position
    ○ Recent research suggests (e.g., Wixted & Wells, 2017): Simultaneous line-ups are superior if the line-up is fair
  7. Crucial: Ensure fairness of line-up—Suspect must not “stand out”
    ○ Reduces relative judgement concerns
    ○ Ensures first-ID confidence is a reliable indicator of accuracy
19
Q

ensuring the fairness of the lineup
foil selection

A

Suspect-matched
- Pick foils that resemble the suspect

Description-matched
- Pick foils that match the description of the perpetrator (better)