2nd HALF OF FINAL EXAM Flashcards
If Congress has neither authorized particular
action by the President, nor forbidden it, what
do the opinions in Youngstown say about
when is he allowed to act? What light can an
analogy to states’ power to make war shed on
this issue?
Black, president can’t act without
authorization. Frankfurter & Jackson, more
complicated if Congress is silent, but don’t
need to resolve, because LMRA forbids
action. Under I/10/3, states can act if “actually
invaded, or in such imminent danger as will
not admit of delay,” which makes some sense
as a standard for executive action too.
a
a
Explain the context of this quotation: “The
word ‘direct’ implies that the activity or
condition involved or blamed shall operate
proximately—not mediately, remotely, or
collaterally—to produce the effect. It connotes
the absence of an efficient intervening agency
or condition.”
Carter explaining why manufacturing isn’t
“directly” related to commerce. Abandoned a
year later in Jones & Laughlin.
Explain the context of this quotation: “[O]nce
Congress makes its choice in enacting
legislation, its participation ends.” How could
this idea be used to supply an alternative
rationale for Myers?
From Bowsher, saying Comptroller General
can’t have executive power since he’s subject to
Congress. Myers said the Senate can’t reserve
a veto on presidential removal, but relied on
presidential removal in general; it could have
used the no-self-delegation idea in Bowsher.
A
A
When can Congress prohibit private action
under the Thirteenth Amendment? What
about under the Fourteenth Amendment?
For 13A, Jones says if it’s part of “civil
freedom,” Congress can protect; includes at
least private racial discrimination in sale of real
estate. For 14A, Guest says private conspiracy
with public officials can be punished, and
maybe private conspiracies directed at public
officials, but Morrison says regulation of purely
private violence isn’t congruent & proportional
to actual 14A violations by state.
Explain the context of this quotation and one
possible response: “In some cases, then, the
Constitution must be looked into by the
judges. And if they can open it at all, what
parts are they forbidden to read, or to obey?”
Marbury; political question doctrine seems to
contradict it, e.g., IV/4 & Baker.
What does the Constitution say about states’
power to make war? How is the President’s
power to make war analogous to it, according
to the concurrences and dissent in
Youngstown?
I/10/3: “No State shall, without the Consent of
Congress … engage in War, unless actually
invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will
not admit of delay.” The Jackson &
Frankfurter concurrences and Vinson dissent
in Youngstown similarly would allow the
president to respond to emergencies (i.e.,
“such imminent danger as will not admit of
delay”), but disagree about whether the
situation was such an emergency.
How does Boerne affect our interpretation of
South Carolina?
Boerne makes clear that the approval of the
imposition of disparate-impact rules in
South Carolina was based on the record of 15A-nullifying discriminatory purposes; without
such a record of targeting religion, Congress
can’t impose disparate-impact test of RFRA.
Explain the context of this quotation: “[I]f we
were to accept the Government’s arguments, we
are hard pressed to posit any activity by an
individual that Congress is without power to
regulate.” Does the Supreme Court agree with
this position today?
Lopez. Not overruled.
Name three things that states are clearly not
allowed to do constitutionally but that the
federal government clearly is allowed to do.
Decide when war is appropriate in non- emergency situations (I/10/3 v. I/8/10-17),
impair obligation of K (I/10/1 v. I/8/4), duties
on commerce (I/10/3 v. I/8/3), coin money
(I/10/1 v. I/8/5), treaties (II/2/2 v. I/10/1), letters
of marque & reprisal (I/8/11 v. I/10/1).
How did the Court’s position on what sort of
power is exercised by independent agencies
change between 1935 and 2010?
In Humphrey’s Executor in 1935, the Court
says it is quasi-legislative and quasi-judicial, but
Free Enterprise Fund in 2010 says it’s
executive, because the President’s II/3 take-
care power encompasses it.
How has the Court’s attitude toward the type
of power independent agencies exercise
changed between 1935 to 2010?
In 1935, Humphrey’s Executor said it was
quasi-legislative and quasi-judicial, but in 2010,
FEF said it was executive.
How do the different opinions in Youngstown
differ on the significance of congressional
silence?
Black for the Court says the president doesn’t
have any legislative power, so congressional
silence is the same as saying no. Jackson’s
category 2, however, says congressional silence
is a zone of twilight. Frankfurter and the
dissent also say congressional silence isn’t the
same as saying no.
What does Morrison say about the congruent-
and-proportional standard in relation to the difference between the Thirteenth and
Fourteenth Amendments?
It says that the regulation of private actions
can’t be congruent and proportional to actions by states, which is important because 14A has
a state action requirement but 13A doesn’t.
What does a comparison of Article I section 9
and Article I section 10 tell us about the
meaning of passive voice in the Constitution?
Because I/10 says “no State shall” with respect
to the same things that I/9 says shouldn’t
happen at all, the passive voice without a
subject refers only to the federal government.
What is the context of the idea that “one does
not regulate commerce that does not exist by
compelling its existence”? Would the Court
have agreed in 1942?
Joint opinion in NFIB. Wickard says
“stimulation” of commerce OK, though, which
is in some tension.
In what three areas did the Court’s approach
change dramatically between 1936 and 1937?
Spending (Butler to Seward Machine), SDP
(Morehead to West Coast Hotel), commerce
power (Carter Coal to Jones & Laughlin).