2nd HALF OF FINAL EXAM Flashcards

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1
Q

If Congress has neither authorized particular
action by the President, nor forbidden it, what
do the opinions in Youngstown say about
when is he allowed to act? What light can an
analogy to states’ power to make war shed on
this issue?

A

Black, president can’t act without
authorization. Frankfurter & Jackson, more
complicated if Congress is silent, but don’t
need to resolve, because LMRA forbids
action. Under I/10/3, states can act if “actually
invaded, or in such imminent danger as will
not admit of delay,” which makes some sense
as a standard for executive action too.

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2
Q

a

A

a

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3
Q

Explain the context of this quotation: “The
word ‘direct’ implies that the activity or
condition involved or blamed shall operate
proximately—not mediately, remotely, or
collaterally—to produce the effect. It connotes
the absence of an efficient intervening agency
or condition.”

A

Carter explaining why manufacturing isn’t
“directly” related to commerce. Abandoned a
year later in Jones & Laughlin.

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4
Q

Explain the context of this quotation: “[O]nce
Congress makes its choice in enacting
legislation, its participation ends.” How could
this idea be used to supply an alternative
rationale for Myers?

A

From Bowsher, saying Comptroller General
can’t have executive power since he’s subject to
Congress. Myers said the Senate can’t reserve
a veto on presidential removal, but relied on
presidential removal in general; it could have
used the no-self-delegation idea in Bowsher.

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5
Q

A

A

A

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6
Q

When can Congress prohibit private action
under the Thirteenth Amendment? What
about under the Fourteenth Amendment?

A

For 13A, Jones says if it’s part of “civil
freedom,” Congress can protect; includes at
least private racial discrimination in sale of real
estate. For 14A, Guest says private conspiracy
with public officials can be punished, and
maybe private conspiracies directed at public
officials, but Morrison says regulation of purely

private violence isn’t congruent & proportional
to actual 14A violations by state.

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7
Q

Explain the context of this quotation and one
possible response: “In some cases, then, the
Constitution must be looked into by the
judges. And if they can open it at all, what
parts are they forbidden to read, or to obey?”

A

Marbury; political question doctrine seems to

contradict it, e.g., IV/4 & Baker.

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8
Q

What does the Constitution say about states’
power to make war? How is the President’s
power to make war analogous to it, according
to the concurrences and dissent in
Youngstown?

A

I/10/3: “No State shall, without the Consent of
Congress … engage in War, unless actually
invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will
not admit of delay.” The Jackson &
Frankfurter concurrences and Vinson dissent
in Youngstown similarly would allow the
president to respond to emergencies (i.e.,
“such imminent danger as will not admit of
delay”), but disagree about whether the
situation was such an emergency.

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9
Q

How does Boerne affect our interpretation of

South Carolina?

A

Boerne makes clear that the approval of the
imposition of disparate-impact rules in
South Carolina was based on the record of 15A-nullifying discriminatory purposes; without
such a record of targeting religion, Congress
can’t impose disparate-impact test of RFRA.

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10
Q

Explain the context of this quotation: “[I]f we
were to accept the Government’s arguments, we
are hard pressed to posit any activity by an
individual that Congress is without power to
regulate.” Does the Supreme Court agree with
this position today?

A

Lopez. Not overruled.

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11
Q

Name three things that states are clearly not
allowed to do constitutionally but that the
federal government clearly is allowed to do.

A
Decide when war is appropriate in non-
emergency situations (I/10/3 v. I/8/10-17),

impair obligation of K (I/10/1 v. I/8/4), duties
on commerce (I/10/3 v. I/8/3), coin money
(I/10/1 v. I/8/5), treaties (II/2/2 v. I/10/1), letters
of marque & reprisal (I/8/11 v. I/10/1).

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12
Q

How did the Court’s position on what sort of
power is exercised by independent agencies
change between 1935 and 2010?

A

In Humphrey’s Executor in 1935, the Court
says it is quasi-legislative and quasi-judicial, but
Free Enterprise Fund in 2010 says it’s

executive, because the President’s II/3 take-
care power encompasses it.

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13
Q

How has the Court’s attitude toward the type
of power independent agencies exercise
changed between 1935 to 2010?

A

In 1935, Humphrey’s Executor said it was
quasi-legislative and quasi-judicial, but in 2010,
FEF said it was executive.

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14
Q

How do the different opinions in Youngstown
differ on the significance of congressional
silence?

A

Black for the Court says the president doesn’t
have any legislative power, so congressional
silence is the same as saying no. Jackson’s
category 2, however, says congressional silence
is a zone of twilight. Frankfurter and the
dissent also say congressional silence isn’t the
same as saying no.

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15
Q

What does Morrison say about the congruent-
and-proportional standard in relation to the difference between the Thirteenth and
Fourteenth Amendments?

A

It says that the regulation of private actions
can’t be congruent and proportional to actions by states, which is important because 14A has
a state action requirement but 13A doesn’t.

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16
Q

What does a comparison of Article I section 9
and Article I section 10 tell us about the
meaning of passive voice in the Constitution?

A

Because I/10 says “no State shall” with respect
to the same things that I/9 says shouldn’t
happen at all, the passive voice without a
subject refers only to the federal government.

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17
Q

What is the context of the idea that “one does
not regulate commerce that does not exist by
compelling its existence”? Would the Court
have agreed in 1942?

A

Joint opinion in NFIB. Wickard says
“stimulation” of commerce OK, though, which
is in some tension.

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18
Q

In what three areas did the Court’s approach

change dramatically between 1936 and 1937?

A

Spending (Butler to Seward Machine), SDP
(Morehead to West Coast Hotel), commerce
power (Carter Coal to Jones & Laughlin).

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19
Q

Why would it have been awkward for Marshall
to rely on section 25 of the Judiciary Act of
1789 in supporting his reasoning in Marbury?

A

Because he was striking down an application of

section 13 of the same act.

20
Q

What question did the government answer

particularly poorly in Lopez?

A

“If Congress can do this, what can’t it do?”

21
Q

How did Madison and Hamilton disagree
about the spending power? Who won the
debate, according to the Supreme Court?

A

Madison said it could only be used in aid of
one of the other powers, but Hamilton didn’t.
Butler said Hamilton was right.

22
Q

What do the Morrison v. Olson majority,
Justice White’s Chadha dissent, Justice
Breyer’s FEF dissent, and Justice Frankfurter
and Jackson concurrences and Chief Justice
Vinson’s dissent in Youngstown all have in
common?

A

Separation-of-powers functionalism.

23
Q

What are two examples of clauses whose

interpretation poses political questions?

A

IV/4 & I/3/6.

24
Q

What limits were placed on Humphrey’s

Executor by the U.S. Supreme Court in 2010

A

Only one layer of insulation (FEF)

25
Q

Under Prigg, who can be involved with the

recapture of runaway slaves?

A

Federal officials and slaveowners can be
involved; state officials can’t interfere, but
don’t have to be involved.

26
Q

Explain the context of this statement:
“[S]hould congress, under the pretext of
executing its powers, pass laws for the
accomplishment of objects not entrusted to the
government, it would become the painful duty
of this tribunal [to strike it down].” Did the
Court take this rule seriously in 1918 and
1941?

A

From McCulloch. The Court took it seriously

in Hammer, but not Darby.

27
Q

Why does it matter whether an official’s
powers are “central to the functioning of the
executive branch”? Would the Court have
agreed in 1935?

A

Morrison standard for removability. Court
would not have agreed in Humphrey’s
Executor, in which standard was instead

whether power was quasi-legislative and quasi-
judicial.

28
Q

What did the court say in 1966 and in 2000
about the power of Congress to punish private
conduct under the Fourteenth Amendment?

A

In Guest in 1966, the court allowed
prosecution of private co-conspirators with
public actors, and 6 judges suggested private
conspiracy to cause unconstitutional state
action would fall under Congressional power.
In Morrison in 2000, the court said prohibiting
purely private conduct was not congruent and
proportional to banning unconstitutional state
action.

29
Q

How did the Court’s approach to the Fifteenth
Amendment enforcement power change
between 1966 and 2013? Did the Court
discuss the impact of intervening precedent
about the enforcement power of the
Fourteenth Amendment?

A

In South Carolina, the Court upheld the
preclearance requirement of the Voting Rights
Act, but in Shelby County, the Court struck
down its extension, because the data was too
old. The Court didn’t discuss Boerne.

30
Q

Does the Constitution ban individuals from
holding offices in both the executive and
judicial branches of the federal government at
the same time? What about the legislative and
executive branches? What about the legislative
and judicial branches?

A

No—Marshall did it. I/6/2 says no to other two.

31
Q

What case from 1983 offers a new rationale

for the result in a case from 1926?

A

Chadha, offering no-self-delegation rationale
for Myers, where Senate reserved removal
veto.

32
Q

Name four clauses of the Constitution that
offer counterexamples to the claim that it is
always “the province and duty of the judicial
department to say what the law is.”

A

I/2/5, I/3/6, II/4 and IV/4: political questions
under impeachment and republican-guarantee
clauses.

33
Q

What two overruled cases seem best to
encapsulate Justice Thomas’s approach to
federal power?

A

Hammer and Carter Coal, as shown in his

Lopez & Morrison concurrences.

34
Q

What question did the government answer

particularly poorly in NFIB?

A

Is there anything the federal government can’t

do, and why?

35
Q

What cases from 1974 and 1983 are in tension

with respect to presidential power?

A

Nixon relies on the president’s delegation of
power to congressional leaders to tell him
whether Jaworski could be fired, but Chadha
strikes down a legislative veto.

36
Q

What case from 1935 is in tension with cases

from 1986, 1988, and 2010?

A

Humphrey’s Executor. Contradicts definition
of executive power in Bowsher (1986);
contradicts Morrison (1988), which allows
even purely executive officers to be shielded
from removal; contradicts FEF (2010), which
says independent agencies exercise executive
power.

37
Q

How does political question doctrine cause
trouble for the arguments for judicial review in
Marbury?

A

The Court’s arguments (all 5 of them) are all-
or-nothing, but political questions, e.g., what counts as a republican form of government
and what procedures are proper for impeachments, are exceptions to judicial
review.

38
Q

How is Free Enterprise Fund “Humphrey’s

Executor squared”?

A

It strikes down a system with two layers of
tenure protection between the president and
executive officials—one between the President
and the SEC, and one between the SEC and
the PCAOB. Humphrey’s Executor upholds
one layer of tenure protection between the
president and the FTC.

39
Q

How is the concept of “a workable

government” relevant to the holding in Nixon?

A

It determines the extent of executive privilege.

40
Q

What problem might be raised for Nixon’s
analysis of the countermanding objection
based on a later-decided case?

A

Chadha (and Bowsher) say Congress can’t give
itself (or a part of itself) executive power, so
congressional-officer veto over removal of
special prosecutor, which Nixon gave it in the
special-prosecutor regulation, not
constitutional.

41
Q

In light of other cases, what did the Court
implicitly—but not explicitly—conclude in 1966
and 2013 about what is “congruent and
proportional” in the context of the Fifteenth
Amendment?

A

Having a record of 15A/1 violations makes
pre-clearance requirement C&P (South
Carolina), but if the data are old, it’s not
(Shelby County).

42
Q

How do labor-regulation cases from 1937

involve both rights and powers?

A

West Coast Hotel says no right not to have
women’s-only minimum wage; Jones &
Laughlin says federal power to regulate labor
with NLRA.

43
Q

What differences are there between the vesting
clauses of Articles I, II, and III, and what does
this suggest about the power of the President?

A

Congress is given legislative powers “herein
granted” in I/1/1. Judiciary is given “judicial
power” generically in III/1, but then that

power is defined in III/2/1. President is given
“executive power” generically in II/1/1, but
unlike Article III, that power is never defined.
Suggests that the president has a reservoir of
power outside the specific grants given
elsewhere.

44
Q

What problems do Article IV, section 4 and
Article I, section 3, clause 6 raise for
Marbury’s arguments for judicial review?

A

What counts as a “republican form of
government” or an impeachment “trial” have
been considered political questions, but
Marbury argues that unconstitutional laws or
acts are always subject to judicial declaration as
void, which isn’t so in political questions.

45
Q

What two different inferences could be drawn
for the President’s power to act without
congressional authorization in the case of
emergencies from the power of states to do the
same?

A

I/10/3 says states have emergency power to
make war. Could reflect background
assumption that that’s what executives can do,
or could say Constitution recognized
emergency power in one instance, but not any
others.

46
Q

What cases from 1952 and 2010 feature
individual judges who joined majority opinions
while (it seems) not agreeing with everything in
those opinions?

A

Youngstown, where Jackson & Frankfurter’s
concurrences contradict Black’s majority
opinion, and McDonald, where the Court
used tradition and Glucksberg to analyze
incorporation, but Justice Kennedy refused to
use Glucksberg in Obergefell just 5 years later.