费正清 中国新史笔记(1) Flashcards
1
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中国南方梯田美景 The green terrain（地形） is hilly, and the flat crescent-shaped（新月形) rice terraces（梯田） march up each hill almost to the top
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and on the other side descend again from near the crest, terrace upon terrace in endless succession, each embankment conforming to the lay of the land like the contour lines（等高线） of a geographer’s chart.
2
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原始社会华北平原水利技术In previous periods China’s rulers confronted in every flood season the debouching（溢出） of the river upon the North China plain in full force.
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In prehistoric times, however, flooding of the plain was less of a problem than the reclamation（开垦） of it from its primitive swamp and fen （湿地与沼泽）conditions; water-control techniques were developed for drainage purposes as well as for flood prevention and irrigation.
3
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中国本土和美国农业与畜牧业对比China proper（中国本土） (as distinct from Inner Asia; see below)
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cannot afford to raise cattle for food. Of the land that can be used at all, nine tenths is cultivated for crops, and only about 2 percent is pasture for animals. By comparison, in the United States only four tenths of the used land is put into crops, and almost half of it is put into pasture.
4
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农耕社会的必然
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The heavy application of manpower and fertilizer to small plots of land has also had its social repercussions（反响，影响）, for it sets up a vicious interdependence between dense population and intensive use of the soil whereby each makes the other possible.
5
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当机械遇见人力
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Early modernizers of China, in their attempts to introduce the machine, constantly ran up against （遭遇）the vested interest （既得利益）of Chinese manpower, since in the short run the machine appeared to be in competition with human hands and backs.
6
Q
种植经济作物，扼杀资本萌芽Pressure from rising population drove many Chinese farmers in the Late Imperial era to switch from grain production to the growing of commercial crops (such as cotton in the Yangzi delta). This offered a greater return per unit of land but not per individual workday.
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It was a survival strategy（生存策略）—Philip Huang (1990, 1991) calls it “involution”（退步）—in which substantial commercialization could take place without leading either to modern capitalist development or to the freeing of the Chinese farmer from a life of bare subsistence.
7
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中西方迥然不同的人与自然This different relation of human beings to nature in the West and East has been one of the salient（尖锐的） contrasts between the two civilizations.
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Man has been at the center of the Western stage. The rest of nature has served as either neutral background or as an adversary.
8
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西方的以人为本
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Thus Western religion is anthropomorphic（赋予人性的）, and early Western painting anthropocentric（以人为中心的）.
9
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中国集体主义的出现
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Living so closely involved with family members and neighbors has accustomed the Chinese people to a collective life in which the group normally dominates the individual.
10
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有集体，无个人A room of one’s own, more readily available in the New World than in the crowded East, has symbolized a higher standard of living.
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Thus, one generalization in the lore （知识、学识）about China is the absorption of the individual not only in the world of nature but also in the social collectivity.
11
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污染
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Chemicals and industrial effluents（排污） pollute the water, while use of unwashed soft coal（烟煤） for energy pollutes the air. Hard coal（无烟煤）
12
Q
农村民居
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Even now the Chinese people are still mostly farmers tilling the soil, living mainly in villages, in houses of brown sun-dried brick, bamboo, or whitewashed wattle(板条）, or sometimes stone, with earth or stone floors, and often paper, not glass, in the windows.
13
Q
贫苦不废文明传承their ability to maintain a highly civilized life under these poor conditions.
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The answer lies in their social institutions, which have carried the individuals of each family through the phases and vicissitudes （兴衰）of human existence according to deeply ingrained patterns of behavior.
14
Q
家族体系有推动力，也有粘滞力
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China has been a stronghold of the family system and has derived both strength and inertia（惯性、懒惰） from it.
15
Q
“孝”字愚人The family, not the individual, was the social unit and the responsible element in the political life of its locality.
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The filial piety and obedience inculcated（反复灌输） in family life were the training ground for loyalty to the ruler and obedience to the constituted authority in the state.
16
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父权至上In fact, Chinese parents were by custom as well as by nature particularly loving toward small children, and they were also bound by a reciprocal（交互的，互惠的） code of responsibility for their children as family members.
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But law and custom provided little check on paternal tyranny if a father chose to exercise it.
17
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长慈子孝，男尊女卑
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The domination of age over youth within the old-style family was matched by the domination of male over female.
18
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为姻而婚
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A girl’s marriage was arranged and not for love.
19
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纳妾与休妻
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She might see secondary wives or concubines brought into the household, particularly if she did not bear a male heir. She could be repudiated by her husband for various reasons.
20
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女未立，成附庸
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All this reflected the fact that a woman had no economic independence.
21
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阴阳调和，以生天地
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Ancient China had viewed the world as the product of two interacting complementary（相互补充） elements, yin and yang.
22
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男定女规
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an endless succession of Chinese male moralists worked out the behavior pattern of obedience and passivity that was expected of women.
23
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幼从兄，出从夫，长从子
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These patterns subordinated girls to boys from infancy and kept the wife subordinate to her husband and the mother to her grown son.
24
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女主垂帘
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Forceful women, whom China has never lacked, usually controlled their families by indirection, not by fiat（命令、许可）.
25
三纲the famous “three bonds” emphasized by the Confucian philosophers:
the bond of loyalty on the part of subject to ruler (minister to prince), of filial obedience on the part of son to father (children to parents), and of chastity（贞洁、纯洁） on the part of wives but not of husbands.
26
愚妇笨子，家传万代
In Jonathan Ocko’s summary (in Kwang-Ching Liu, 1990), wives were “ineluctably （不可避免的）destabilizing elements,” promising descendants, yet always threatening the bond of obedience between parents and sons.
27
父严母慈，戒淫戒怒
Motherly nurture and fatherly discipline combined to concentrate the young scholar’s effort on self-control and on the suppression of sexual and frivolous（轻佻、无聊的，琐碎的） impulses.
28
家即是国，国便是家
The traditional family system was highly successful at preparing the Chinese to accept similar patterns of status in other institutions, including the official hierarchy of the government.
29
等级制度，自然而然
One advantage of a system of status is that a man knows automatically where he stands in his family or society. He can have security in the knowledge that if he does his prescribed part, he may expect reciprocal action from others in the system.
30
亲缘关系越细化，家族权责越明显Within the extended family, every child from birth was involved in a highly ordered system of kinship relations with elder brothers, sisters, maternal elder brothers’ wives, and other kinds of aunts, uncles, cousins, grandparents, and in-laws too numerous for a Westerner to keep track of.
These relationships were not only more clearly named and differentiated than in the West but also carried with them more compelling rights and duties dependent upon status.
31
家为小国，血亲为规
Buttressed（扶壁，支持） by genealogies（宗谱、血统）, lineage（家族） members might share common interests both economic and political in the local society.
32
家传长子，地分同胞
The Chinese kinship system in both the North and South is patrilineal, the family headship passing in the male line from father to eldest son.While the family headship passes intact from father to eldest son, the family property does not.
33
分田产，小民逾穷，官不屯田
The consequent parcelization of the land tended to weaken the continuity of family land-holding, forestall（预先阻止） the growth of landed power among officials, and keep peasant families on the margin of subsistence.
34
四世同堂，贫家少见
The large joint family of several married sons with many children all within one compound, which has often been regarded as typical of China, appears to have been the ideal exception, a luxury that only the well-to-do could afford.
35
家逾分逾穷
Division of the land among the sons constantly checked the accumulation of property and savings, and the typical family had little opportunity to rise on the social scale. Peasants were bound to the soil not by law and custom so much as by their own numbers.
36
家族是典型的社会、经济单元
Each family household is both a social and an economic unit. Its members derive their sustenance from working its fields and their social status from membership in it.
37
集市、货郎The town market functioned periodically—say, every first, fourth, and seventh day in a ten-day cycle—
so that itinerant （流动的、巡回的）merchants could visit it regularly while visiting a central market and the adjoining town markets five miles away in similar cycles—say, every second, fifth, and eighth day or every third, sixth, and ninth day.
38
南北不同异于农耕游牧
The contrasts between North and South China are superficial compared with those between the pastoral（游牧的） nomadism of the plateaus（高原） of Inner Asia and the settled villages based on the intensive agriculture of China.
39
亚洲内陆邻接满蒙突厥藏
Inner Asia denotes（表示、指示） the originally non-Chinese regions abutting （邻接于）China in a wide arc running from Manchuria through Mongolia and Turkestan to Tibet.（满蒙突厥藏）
40
百万蒙藏占地与十亿汉人相当On the steppe（大草原）, population is thinly scattered;
today there are only a few million Mongols and hardly more than that number of Tibetans in the arid plateau regions that more than equal the area occupied by over a billion Chinese who trace their ancestry to the Han dynasty .
41
汉人农耕、蛮人游牧
Just as intensive agriculture molded the Chinese, so the sheep and horse economy of Inner Asia conditioned the nomad.
42
羊肉为食，皮为衣，粪为柴
From his flocks, the nomad secured food, sheepskins for clothing, shelter in the form of felt for his yurt（圆顶帐篷）, and fuel in the form of sheep dung（粪）.
43
汉人的文化自豪
Here lies one source of China’s “culturalism”—that is, the devotion of the Chinese people to their way of life, an across-the-board（全面的，全盘的） sentiment as strong as the political nationalism of recent centuries in Europe.
44
被侵略与“汉化”Chinese culturalism arose from the difference in culture between China and the Inner Asian “barbarians.”
Because the Inner Asian invaders became more powerful as warriors, the Chinese found their refuge in social institutions and feelings of cultural and aesthetic（审美的） superiority—something that alien conquest could not take away.
45
专制不等于暴政
But autocracy is a matter of degree and takes various forms. It may be defined at one extreme as the capacity of a ruler to impose his will upon his state and society. This borders on despotism or tyranny.
46
皇权的约束
In operational terms, however, an autocrat like the emperor of China had to contend with（与…做对，斗争） procedural rules as well as moral admonitions（警告） and his own interests and reputation.
47
皇帝—某种意义上的玩偶
He was burdened by many duties and manipulated by the system—by his courtiers during the day and by his harem at night. What a crowded life!
48
政治不仅限于官僚
However, the aspects of Chinese autocracy that will be described in the following chapters are not those of the palace treadmill（跑步机、单调的工作） but rather certain other features that seem to have stood out in the Chinese case.
49
皇帝制度的活力表征中国社会的凝聚和统一
we may see the vigor of the imperial institution as a rough index（指数） to the strength of China’s social cohesion（凝聚、结合） and unity.
50
旧石器时代；新石器时代
Paleolithic China；Neolithic China
51
小麦、陶器、书写、驷马战车源于西亚
it arose suddenly from the diffusion(发散、传播） of West Asian cultural traits（特性、品质） like wheat, pottery, writing, or the horse-drawn chariot as a “civilization by osmosis（渗透）,” bit by bit coming across Central Asia from the West.
52
中国两条南北向山脉China has two north-south chains of mountains: one along the coast, running discontinuously from the northeast (formerly called Manchuria) through Shandong province and the southeast coast to Hong Kong and Hainan Island.
The other chain is inland on the eastern edge of the Central Asian plateau, running from Shanxi province south through Sichuan to the southwest China upland.
53
北京人能吃They were hunter-fisher-gatherers and used fire to illuminate their cave and to cook their meat, 70 percent of which
consisted of deer, although bones of the leopard（豹，美洲豹）, bear, saber-toothed tiger(剑齿虎）, hyena（鬣狗，土狼）, elephant, rhinoceros（犀牛）, camel, water buffalo, boar（野猪，公猪）, and horse were also found.
54
旧石器时代中国人已有家庭观念
Archaeologists like K. C. Chang have concluded that Old Stone Age man in China was not a mere chipper of rocks; basic ideas of kinship, authority, religion, and art that can still be found in China today were already developing in these early cultures.
55
农耕出现表征新石器时代开始
The Neolithic Age that began in China about 12,000 years ago was marked by the spread of settled agricultural communities.
56
山东全岛、河南看海景
Today’s North China plain between Shanxi and Shandong was mainly lakes and marshes（沼泽）—Shandong was almost an island off the coast. Today’s provinces of Hebei and Henan were still fens not easily habitable.
57
原始人开始种粮食
hardy perennial plants（多年生耐寒植物）that hunter-fisher-gatherer communities might have gradually begun to use for food had to be substituted by annual seed crops that could be regularly planted and harvested—in short, cultivated.
58
新石器中国的多源头
Thus, it seems that Neolithic China developed in several centers from Paleolithic origins.
59
养蚕开始于新石器时代
Another achievement of Neolithic China was silk production.
60
养蚕、制丝The exacting（严格的，吃力的） procedures of sericulture（养蚕） have been practiced in the Chinese farm economy throughout history.How to nourish silkworms on vast quantities of mulberry（桑树）leaves,
how to help them go through periods of quiescent （静止的）moulting（蜕皮） and then spin（旋转，纺纱，吐丝） their cocoons（蚕茧）, and finally how to unwind（解开） the cocoons to produce raw silk thread are all parts of a painstaking craft（工艺，手艺）.
61
文字记录3000年
As of 1920（1920年以前） among the legendary Three Dynasties of ancient China— Xia, Shang, and Zhou—only the Zhou (Chou) was known directly from its own written records.
62
商朝青铜工艺冠绝天下
The Shang bronzes, never surpassed in craftsmanship, are still one of humankind’s great artistic achievements.
63
祭拜祖先仪式，为统治地位正名
By practicing a religious cult of the ancestors, local rulers legitimized their authority.
64
城镇的出现，由法令规定，不出于自发Towns were not unplanned growths caused by trade or by migration of individual families but were planned and created by local rulers.
Typically a king might decree the building of a town in a new region where farmland was to be opened up, and a town populace would be selected and dispatched to do the job.
65
祭祀＞战争、商业
On balance（总而言之）, warfare and trade seem to have been no more important as factors in expansion than the overall superiority of the king’s ritual and liturgical（礼拜仪式的） functions in his intercession（调节，说情） with the ancestors and other forces of nature.
66
早期中国社会神权统治，尚未完全成为官僚体制
he was head of a patrimonial（世袭的） state that was not yet fully bureaucratic, a state that was still more theocratic（神权的） than secular in its institutional activity.
67
周朝分封建国
Zhou rule was established by setting up what has been called a “feudal” network, enfeoffing（授予封地，授予采邑）(fengjian) sons of the Zhou rulers to preside over fifty or more vassal states.
68
食邑The Zhou investiture（授权仪式） ceremony was an elaborate delegation of authority of a contractual nature. Along with symbolic ritual gifts the Zhou king bestowed upon a vassal（诸侯，附属的） lord the people of a certain area.
The people, so bestowed, however, were more important than the land, and whole communities composed of descendants of a lineage might be moved to another area and be superimposed（叠加） upon the local people to create another vassal state.
69
天授君权
While the Zhou thus continued, like the Shang, to use kinship as a main element of political organization, they created a new basis of legitimacy by espousing（支持，嫁娶，信奉） the theory of Heaven’s mandate.
70
天命所归，即为君
the Zhou claimed their sanction to rule came from a broader, impersonal deity, Heaven (tian), whose mandate (tianming) might be conferred on any family that was morally worthy of the responsibility.
71
百家姓，各民族渗透
In peripheral（周边） areas were many non-Chinese whose different cultural status was marked by the fact that their names were not Chinese but were recorded in transliteration（音译，直译）.
72
通婚、文化交流
By degrees（逐渐地，渐渐地）, intermarriage, acculturation（文化互相渗透）, and a beginning of bureaucratic government created the successor states that followed the Shang–Zhou dominance.
73
古代中国文化同质性延续
The cultural homogeneity（同质性） of ancient China as revealed by the archaeological record contrasts remarkably with the multiplicity（多样性） and diversity（差异性） of peoples, states, and cultures in the ancient Middle East.
74
他强由他强，明月照大江
We can conclude that important influences from West Asia reached China as though “by osmosis（渗透）,” to be sure, but never in proportions so cataclysmic（大变动的） as to shatter（使散开，破坏） China’s cultural homogeneity.
75
中国古文明既非产自北方单一源头，也非东方文明摇篮
The new evidence also militates against（对…产生不利影响） a more recent concept that ancient Chinese civilization grew from a single nuclear area in North China and that the Xia-Shang development was unique—“the cradle of the East,” in P. T. Ho’s phrase.
76
重农轻商
Ancient China’s lack of sea trade left the merchants less important and disesteemed ideologically（思想意识上）, and this made it easier for the Qin and Han rulers when they came to power to assert control over the merchants who had arisen in their societies.
77
商朝出现主谓宾句法和象形文字
The Shang writing system already evinced（表明，表示） subject-verb-object syntax（句法） and methods of character formation by simple pictographs（象形文字）, abstract descriptive pictographs, and phonopictographs that would remain basic in Chinese thereafter.
78
早期的社会精英
When we group together the shaman-priests, warriors, scribes（抄写员）, heads of lineages, and superintendents（监督人） over artisans, we can see the rudiments（入门，初步） of the ruling elite that developed.
79
夫战，攻心为上，攻城为下
Rather than outright（完全的，彻底的） military conquest, the process was often one of steady assimilation（同化） based on the efficacy（工效，效力） of the Chinese way of life and government. The political unit was defined culturally more than territorially.
80
中国与周边蛮族共生
When we read that “barbarians” have been ever-present on the fringes of China’s long history, we can realize that they were a basic category in the political system from the very beginning. We must not overlook the ancient Chinese assumption of a symbiosis（共生，共栖） between culture (wenhua) and temporal（暂时的） power.
81
中国古代君主
It functioned as the capstone（顶石） of the social structure, the high priesthood of the ancestor cult, the arbiter of punishments, and the leader in public works, war, and literature.
82
君主制度≠极权主义
Again, because we are so aware of the all-encompassing power of the totalitarian（极权主义的） states of the twentieth century, we would do well to avoid an anachronistic（时代错误的） leap to judgment that the Shang and Zhou kings’ prerogatives（特权） led inevitably to a sort of totalitarianism.
83
统治手段多样
As summarized by Stuart Schram (1987), “The state was the central power in Chinese society from the start, and exemplary behavior, rites, morality and indoctrinations（教化） have always been considered in China as means of government.”
84
中国人强烈的统一诉求
The sequence of dynasties was due to the inveterate（根深的） Chinese impulse during a dynastic interregnum（中断，空位期） toward political reunification.
85
王朝覆灭前的种种灾兆
Toward the close of each regime, for example, natural calamities, earthquakes, floods, comets, eclipses, and other heavenly portents（迹象，凶兆） become more numerous in the record, evidence that the improper conduct of the ruler was losing him the Mandate of Heaven.
86
自我暗示
Autosuggestion,
87
得天下，先收士子之心；失天下，必先失士子之嘴
Once the literati who set the tone of ruling-class opinion became convinced that a dynasty had lost its moral claim to the throne, little could save it.
88
外戚贪污腐败
peculations（侵吞公款） and profligacy（放荡，肆意挥霍） of the emperor’s maternal relatives,
89
地主是怎么炼成的
Gradually the ruling class were able to increase their land-holdings and to remove them from taxation by expedients(权宜之计，临时手段） such as the destruction of tax registers, official connivance（默许，纵容）, or legal falsification.
90
地主不纳粮，农民多交税
In this way a progressively smaller proportion of the land was expected to pay a progressively larger amount of revenue.
91
战争是一种宗教行为
Warfare was itself a religious service, replete（充满的，丰富的） with rituals of divination, prayers, and oaths preceding combat and ending in presentation of formal reports, booty（战利品，贵重的物品）, and prisoners at the ancestral altars.
92
战国百家争鸣，汉朝独尊儒术
The philosophers of the various schools of thought in China did not quell（镇压，压制） the disorder, and Confucianism would become an important philosophy only later, under the Han.
93
儒家的尊卑理论
Confucianism’s rationale（基本原理） for organizing society began with the cosmic order and its hierarchy of superior-inferior relationships.
94
人可善其身
A major Confucian principle was that man was perfectible.
95
儒教因循守旧，保障社会稳定，为最成功的保守主义案例But if we take this Confucian view of life in its social and political context,
we will see that its esteem for age over youth, for the past over the present, for established authority over innovation has in fact provided one of the great historic answers to the problem of social stability. It has been the most successful of all systems of conservatism.
96
在朝为儒，退朝为道
It is aptly(有…倾向于） said that the Chinese scholar was a Confucian when in office and a Daoist when out of office.
97
道家为出世之哲学
Daoism was an enormous reservoir of popular lore（学说，全部学识）. It also provided an escape from Confucianism, profiting by each revulsion（剧变，强烈的厌恶） of scholars against the overnice ritualism of the classics. It was a refuge from the world of affairs.
98
善即是恶Applying the idea of the unity of opposites, the early Daoists
argued that human moral ideas are the reflection of human depravity（邪恶，堕落）, that the idea of filial piety springs（涌现，出现） from the fact of impiety, that the Confucian statement of the rules of propriety（礼貌，规矩） is really a reflection of the world’s moral disorder.
99
道家的原始-自由主义
This took the form of laissez-faire（政府不干涉主张）, of following one’s unrationalized inner nature and accepting without struggle the experience of life.
100
步兵代替战车
Among these ingredients was the use of infantry（步兵） armies in hilly terrain on the northern and southern frontiers, areas which were difficult for chariots to maneuver in.
101
蛮族发明骑兵
Finally, non-Chinese tribes of Inner Asia began to use the horse in cavalry（骑兵） warfare, obliging the Chinese to do the same.
102
封地，食邑a score of honorary（名誉上的） ranks with exemption（免除，免税） from labor service or taxes
and (at certain levels) conferment（授予，给予） of income from certain lands and people were used to create a new elite separate from the old aristocracy and dependent upon the ruler.
103
骑兵，步兵逐渐代替战车
In warfare, the horse chariots of antiquity（古代，古老的遗物） had now been supplanted by cavalry and massed infantry armed with bronze or iron weapons and especially the crossbow.
104
郡县制标志中央集权的官僚政治开始
(Junxian has been shorthand for centralized bureaucratic rule ever since, as opposed to fengjian meaning decentralized or “feudal（封建.”)
105
皇帝倚重太监
An emperor, however, could rely within the palace on the staff of eunuchs（太监）, whose castration（阉割） fitted them to look after the women selected for the emperor’s harem（后宫）.
106
商人渐渐富
By contrast, the unregistered merchants, who patronized the private inns on the post roads while trading to other cities and foreign countries, grew rich.
107
百姓渐渐以钱代工
Peasant labor service, or corvée（义务工）, due the state for one month a year was increasingly commuted into cash payments.
108
汉朝对待异族的绥靖政策，为宋清两朝的屈辱条约的先例Nomad warriors learned that if they performed a ritual at Chang’an in which they accepted Han suzerainty（宗主权）, they could profit substantially while having a good time.
Ying-shih Yü notes that this appeasement（平息，满足） policy was a forerunner（先驱） of the unequal treaties of Song and late Qing times, which acknowledged China’s military weakness.
109
董仲舒与孔孟、程朱，各不相同This Legalist-Confucian amalgam（汞合金，混合物） we call Imperial Confucianism,
to distinguish it both from the original teaching of Confucius, Mencius, et al. and from the secular and personal Confucian philosophy that arose during Song times and has since then guided so many lives in the East Asian countries of the old Chinese culture area—China, Korea, Vietnam, and Japan.
110
皇帝大臣各取所需
The essential point about the Legalist-Confucian amalgam was that Legalism was liked by rulers and Confucianism by bureaucrats.
111
君之德来自践行礼仪
The Confucians believed that the ruler’s ceremonial observances and exemplary conduct gave him a certain virtue (de)—or, as A. C. Graham (1989) says, potency—that drew others to accept, support, or even venerate his rule.
112
礼教第一，人性第二，求知第三
Confucius was neither out to become a ruler himself nor to educate the masses directly. His priorities put proper ritual first, humaneness second, and learning only third.
113
劝君而顺民
China’s social structure, in short, was already in place and the philosopher’s task in his Chinese form of prophecy（预言） was not to arouse the masses but only to guide the rulers.
114
天长在 人必胜天
Westerners looking at China have continually imposed their own preconceptions on the Chinese scene, not least because the Chinese, though they generally regarded Heaven as the supreme cosmic power, saw it as immanent（内在的） in nature, not as transcendent.
115
气吞山河，气贯长虹
The early Han postulated（假定，假设条件） the existence of a pervasive（普遍的，渗透的） pneuma（精气） or ether（气，太空，苍穹） (qi) through which human and natural processes interacted.
116
天降灾兆示君主礼法不明
Equally careful attention was paid tothe ritual observances of the emperor, for reciprocal relations were seen between his conduct and natural events.
117
君臣狼狈In its broad historical context this meant, as Arthur F. Wright phrased it, that “the literate elite . . . had entered into an alliance with monarchy. The monarch provided the symbols and the sinews（肌肉） of power: throne, police, army, the organs of social control.
The literati（文人） provided the knowledge of precedent and statecraft that could legitimize power and make the state work.
118
中国的政府体制传统-只有义务，没有权利
order can be achieved only when people are organized in gradations（层次） of inferiority and superiority. This hierarchic principle in turn was the basis for a stress on duties rather than rights, on the evident assumption that if everyone did his duty everyone would get what he deserved.
119
留取丹心照汗青
Within the state loyalty ensured the support of officials for the emperor and his dynasty. So deeply was this idea ingrained in official thinking that at times of dynastic overthrow servitors（随从，仆人） of the old dynasty might choose death rather than serve the new one.
120
君要臣死，臣敢不死？今日朝鲜，三胖处死成泽，鲜例也。
How can the emperor behead his ministers with a minimum of legal procedure, as an imperial right exercised since time immemorial（If you say that something has been happening since time immemorial or from time immemorial, you are emphasizing that it has been happening for many centuries）?
121
孝顺的中国人，从没想过为啥要孝
Sima did not pursue the origins of imperial legitimacy—what sanctioned the emperor’s capacity to execute or castrate his subjects.
122
朝廷倒台前的通病Weakness at the center came from many causes: the succession of ineffectual（无益的，白费的） Han emperors, their domination by the empress’s family, usurpation（篡夺） of power by eunuchs, and many other factional（派系的） rivalries at the court. Favoritism and corruption resulted in the appointment of inadequate personnel,
rapacious（贪婪的） exploitation of the people, disregard of the interests of merchants’ and magnates（巨头）’ families, and a weakening of the dynasty’s military capacity.
123
北魏兴佛
Not least of the achievements of Northern Wei was their devotion to Buddhism and the great stone carvings they produced near their two capitals.
124
中国化
sinicization
125
佛经翻译的中国化
Abstract ideas from abroad when expressed in Chinese characters could hardly avoid a degree of sinification.
126
和尚变地主
Buddhist monasteries（monastery寺院）, for example, served as hostels for travelers, havens of refuge, and sources of charity. They also became great landowners and assumed quasi-official（类官府，半官府性质的） positions in the administration.
127
先占北方者，必有天下（明、日本除外）
North China’s centrality and heavy population was a factor for unity. Whoever got control over it could rather easily subjugate the other areas, including South China.
128
师戎长技以制戎
From the herdsmen（牧人） of the grasslands the Chinese acquired horses for cavalry warfare, trousers for riding astride（跨着）, saddles（马鞍） and later stirrups（马镫）, plus the breast harness and eventually the horse collar, which would be imitated in the West.
129
晋朝以后无汉皇The Sui founder was of a part-nomad Yang family with estates situated midway between the two ancient capitals of the Zhou and Han, Chang’an and Luoyang. The Tang dynastic founder was likewise a scion（幼芽，子孙） of a Li family of Turkic military origins and aristocratic status.These military aristocrats had intermarried both with Chinese and with each other’s families so that they formed a large and homogeneous group of leaders, equal to the onerous（繁重的，讨厌的） tasks of conquest and administration.
The nomad rulers of North China adopted Chinese ways, including language, dress, and methods of government so sedulously（勤勉，仔细地） that their hybrid（混血儿） states seemed in the historical record to be properly Chinese.
130
隋唐佛教大盛
Buddhist monasteries became great landowners of increasing influence. The emperor’s devout（虔诚的） patronage（赞助，光顾）created (in Arthur Wright’s phrase), an “imperial Buddhism.”
131
唐都长安国际大都会
The Tang capital at Chang’an became a great international metropolis, a focal point of the Eurasian（欧亚的） world.
132
道家=化学家+医学家On the other hand, Daoists contributed to China’s technology through the long-developed practices of alchemy（炼金术）, both in pursuit of the physiological（生理上的） goal of immortality and the more immediate bonanza（生财，幸运） of making gold.
In their physiological and chemical experiments, they concocted（捏造，调和） elixirs（万能药） and also searched for herbs（药草）, building up the great Chinese pharmacopoeia（药典） on which the world is still drawing.
133
藩镇割据，唐帝国名存实亡
Localism and particularism supervened（相互附生，附带发生）, and the nominal（名义上的） unity of the Chinese state became a hollow façade（正面，外观）.
134
历史的记录
Official appraisals of each prospective（有希望的，预期的） candidate for appointment were accumulated in dossiers（档案，卷宗）.
135
皇权失落，贪污盛行，盗贼蜂起。In its final half century the Tang was an object-lesson（实物教学） in anarchy（混乱，无政府状态）. Officials, both civil and military, became so cynically（无耻地，无顾忌的） corrupt and village peasants so ruthlessly oppressed that the abominable（令人厌恶的，恶劣的） became commonplace.
Loyalty disappeared. Banditry（盗贼） took over. Gangs swelled into armed mobs, plundering（劫掠） all in their path as they roamed（游荡） from province to province. Emperors, their eunuchs, and officials lost control and were despised（轻视）.
136
物质大发展
Efflorescence（eflə'resns，开花，全盛期） of Material Growth
137
异族吞并，成就文化大成？
Were Song China’s cultural achievements related to the eventual non-Chinese domination? It is a vital question, though not a simple one.
138
南宋杭州城
The city embraced some seven square miles within its walls, bisected（平分，分为二） by the broad Imperial Way that ran from south to north.
139
南宋或可殖民欧洲
Any modern-minded expansionist looking back on all this growth and creativity can imagine how Song China, left to itself, could have taken over the maritime world and reversed history by invading and colonizing Europe from Asia.
140
王安石变法失败，司马光继之Since Wang’s radical program attacked the basis of local family wealth that in turn produced examination candidates as well as local managers and merchants, Wang’s reforms after some years of experiment and turmoil（混乱） were shot down.
The alternative approach that gained the day was typified（以...为典型） by Wang’s contemporary, the historian Sima Guang.
141
朱熹的“乡约”，共党的“民主生活”Through discussion in these Community Compact meetings, good deeds could be praised, errors corrected, and rites and customs preserved. Zhu saw this institution as fusing（熔化） together private and public interests and as mediating between state and family.
More than 700 years later the content would differ but the methods of criticism and selfcriticism would resurface under the People’s Republic. Both were exercises in applied morality.
142
程朱理学对商业的鄙视
One way in which Neo-Confucianism may have retarded（阻碍） China’s modern growth was by its disesteem of trade.The attitude was that merchants did not produce things but only moved them around in search of profit, which was an ignoble motive.
143
天下文章一大抄Writers of classical Chinese were by training compilers（编辑者） more than composers. Having memorized vast sequences of the classics and histories, they constructed their own works by extensive cut-and-paste replication of phrases and passages from those sources.
This unacknowledged quotation today would be called plagiarism（剽窃）, but the Chinese writers from early times saw themselves as preservers of the record more than its creators.
144
中国缺乏科学思维Another problem with classical Chinese was that there was little way to generalize or express abstractions—for example, to express the idea of being or existence as a nontemporal and nonactive abstraction.
There was little use of theoretical （理论上的）hypotheses（假设） or conditions contrary to fact, nor of inductive and deductive（归纳与推理） logical reasoning. All this made it difficult to take novel foreign ideas into the writing system. In the end, this may have made it hard to develop the theoretical aspects of science.
145
灭人欲
Under Neo-Confucianism the training of a young scholar from childhood was strong on discipline and perhaps shorter on affection. Self-control and unselfish hard mental work tended to crowd out frivolity（轻薄的举动）, sexuality, muscular development.
146
士绅阶层成为官民间的纽带The gentry（士绅） families came to live chiefly in the walled towns, not in the smaller villages. They constituted a stratum of landowning families that intervened between the earth-bound masses of the peasantry, on the one hand,
and the officials and merchants who formed a fluid（液体，流体） matrix （基体）of overall administrative and commercial activity, on the other.
147
士绅缓冲带作用For the officials of the old China the gentry families were one medium through whom tax collections were effected. By this same token（标志，象征You use by the same token to introduce a statement that you think is true for the same reasons that were given for a previous statement.
If you give up exercise, your muscles shrink and fat increases.
By the same token, if you expend more energy you will lose fat.
）, they were, for the peasantry, intermediaries who could palliate（缓和） official oppression while carrying it out. The local official dealt with flood and famine, incipient（起初的） rebellion, a multitude（多数） of minor criminal cases, and projects for public works all through the help of the gentry community. It was the buffer between populace and officialdom.
