1 Flashcards

1
Q

Definition of Anthropology

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Anthropology is defined as “a discourse on the unity of Man, in the diversity of its appearances (biological, social, cultural)” (Mihăilescu, 2007, p. 9).

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2
Q

Anthropology’s Origin

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Anthropological thinking begins wherever people have started reflecting on the nature of society and the customs practiced by them or their neighbors.

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3
Q

Branches of Anthropology

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Anthropology can be divided into physical anthropology and cultural anthropology. Physical anthropology studies Homo sapiens as a physical organism, while cultural anthropology is concerned with human cultures and ways of life.

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4
Q

Evolution of Anthropology’s Definition

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The term anthropology comes to designate the “general social and cultural science of man,” gradually replacing the term ethnology under the influence of Claude Lévi-Strauss.

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5
Q

Ontological Condition of Anthropology

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Anthropology focuses on primitive phenomena and small communities, with primitive societies as the object of study for various reasons.

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6
Q

Methodological Condition of Anthropology

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Anthropological perspective involves discovering the other and objectifying oneself, utilizing perspectivism as a useful approach and employing fieldwork and participant observation as preferred methods.

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7
Q

Human Definition According to Michel Foucault

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Man became the center of study with the discovery of the Other, and ethnology, psychology, or linguistics are considered counter-consciousness in the absence of an objectivist conception of man.

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8
Q

Objectivity and Comparative Method

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Objectivity in anthropology is achieved through the comparative method, but its limitation is relativism, requiring an awareness of the anthropologist’s subjectivity.

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9
Q

Limitations of Comparative Sociology

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There is an irreducibility of nations or peoples in comparative sociology, and this involves a naturalistic-anthropological and quantitative approach to social facts.

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10
Q

Applications of Comparative Sociology

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Comparative sociology deals with differentiations within an ethnic group over time and space, approaching societies as geographical phenomena and treating society as a sociosphere.

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11
Q

Ethnographic Sociology

A

“What is ethnographic sociology?”
Ethnographic sociology aims to observe the distribution of social phenomena from a static perspective, focusing on the formation of cultural specifics. It seeks to establish cultural spheres, social types, ethnographic provinces, etc., through mapping cultural and civilizational facts.

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12
Q

Development of Ethnographic Sociology

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Predominantly developed in the U.S. under the name of social anthropology, ethnographic sociology tends to be associated with the study of primitive peoples. However, its goal is to capture the specificity of societies regardless of their historical age.

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13
Q

Purpose of Ethnographic Sociology

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Ethnographic sociology goes beyond mere description by also explaining similarities or mechanisms of differentiation between social forms. It moves beyond inventorying social phenomena to explore the reasons behind their similarities or differences.

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14
Q

Theories Explaining Social Similarities

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Theory of Basic Ideas: Proposes that similarities between two social phenomena may have independently emerged under similar conditions.
Convergence Theory: Suggests that phenomena with the same origin may appear very different today, or conversely, phenomena with different origins may seem similar due to the convergence phenomenon.

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15
Q

Anthroposociology or Sociology of Races

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Anthroposociology focuses on four fundamental issues: racial diversity in space, racial fixation over time, racial inequality, and the perfectibility of races. Definitions of races vary from purely physical perspectives to broader or methodological ones.

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16
Q

Definition of Races

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Definitions range from purely physical viewpoints (e.g., P. Lester) to broader ones (e.g., E. Günther) or methodological perspectives (e.g., I. Făcăoaru). Races are considered as groups of people distinguished by a combination of physical and mental characteristics, giving rise to similar individuals within the group.

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17
Q

Human as a Cultural and Natural Being

A

Both anthropology and ethnology aim to identify the universal human, emphasizing the unity of human nature. The common background of customs, beliefs, and institutions found in almost all societies is considered the most thorough evidence of the unity of human nature.

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18
Q

Unity of Human Nature

A

Nicolae Petrescu argues that the most substantial evidence of the unity of human nature is found in the popular and anonymous products of culture. Proverbs, fairy tales, legends, fundamental forms of religious thinking, and myths express the same sentiments, forming a common spiritual substrate. This psychic factor is the common foundation of communities, influenced by climate, topography, association, and other factors.

19
Q

Essence of Spiritual Factor

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The spiritual (or psychic) essence, according to Nicolae Petrescu, is highlighted in anthropological research by distinguishing the phase of detachment from nature (animalistic aspects in evolutionary concepts) from the phase of integration into culture or the emergence of humans from the reality of the social group.

20
Q

Primitive Societies

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When considering primitive societies from the perspective of social anthropology, the distinction between their unaltered natural traits and their strong cultural organization is explored. Various terms like “savage,” “backward,” “simple societies,” or “natural peoples” have been used to describe them, reflecting the evolutionary stage of humanity.

21
Q

Characteristics of Primitive Societies

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Primitive societies involve small numeric groups (some with societies not exceeding 40-50 individuals). Mechanic solidarity prevails, leading to perfect adaptation within the community without conflicts of interest or opinions. Despite the lack of formal social control, they are efficiently supported by the spirit of solidarity and tradition.

22
Q

Social Structure in Primitive Societies

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Primitive societies exhibit a structured social organization despite their discontinuous communal spaces. Solidarity is maintained through sacred and profane zones, and social categories based on sex, age, occupation, and personal attributes are stable. These social differentiations are integral to personal identities, unmodifiable by individuals.

23
Q

Totemism and the Social Order of Primitive Societies

A

“Totemism and Social Order”
In primitive, folkloric, or ethnographic societies, the separation of social categories and the definition of relationships had a transcendent character. Totemism, with its specific social structure based on familial relationships within the group and certain sacred objects or beings, supported by magical or religious thinking, became a conceptual model.

24
Q

Concept of Totemism

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Totemism, disputed as a religious or social system, consecrated certain social relationships assimilated to kinship. Social differentiations within totemic groups were rigid, with totems based on gender or age, structuring and classifying social categories from a mythico-religious perspective.

25
Q

Arnold Van Gennep’s Analysis of Totemism

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Arnold Van Gennep identified universal and necessary elements of totemism, including the concept of kinship between a group and a species, and the localization of the group and species on a specific territory.

26
Q

Sacred Objects in Totemism

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Totemic objects, predominantly plants and animals, were considered sacred. Examples include wind, rain, the sea, rivers, the moon, the sun, stars, summer, winter, thunder, or lightning. Totemism encompassed a variety of forms, and according to Emile Durkheim, totems could represent mythical ancestors, human or animal, enriched with fabulous elements.

27
Q

Acquisition of Totem Identity

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Totem identity was acquired either through inheritance from parents, usually the mother, or directly from mythical ancestors. Totem symbols were imprinted on various tribal objects, constructions, or artifacts, directly on the body through tattooing, or through specific forms of body decoration.

28
Q

Religion and Myth

A

Carl Gustav Jung noted that religion expresses archetypes through its fundamental symbols. According to Emile Durkheim, religion is a system that represents society, anchored in real society and resulting from external and supra-individual forces that give vitality to individuals. Mircea Eliade complemented this sociological perspective, placing society within the dimension of the sacred.

29
Q

Mircea Eliade’s Perspective on the Sacred

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Mircea Eliade emphasized the close proximity of individuals in archaic and traditional societies to the sacred. The sacred represents power, reality, and truth for individuals in these societies. Sacred spaces and times are discontinuous, succeeding each other with profane intervals. The manifestation of the sacred establishes order and a radiant center, discovering which is equivalent to creating (or recreating during festivals) the universe.

30
Q

Totemism and Social Order in Primitive Societies

A

Totemism is discussed as a system in primitive, folkloric, or ethnographic societies where social categories are separated and defined through a transcendent character.
The totemic structure involves familial relationships within the group and sacred objects or beings, reinforcing social bonds through magical or religious thinking.
Totemism is considered both a religious and social system, consolidating social relations and ensuring a well-structured society.

31
Q

Arnold Van Gennep’s Elements of Totemism

A

Arnold Van Gennep identified two universal elements of totemism: the concept, sentiment, and institution of kinship between a group and a species, and the location of the group on a specific territory.
Sacred totems include plants, animals, natural elements, and even mythical ancestors. Totems are acquired through inheritance or direct connection with mythical ancestors.

32
Q

Religion and Myth

A

Carl Gustav Jung’s perspective on religion emphasizes the expression of archetypes through religious symbols, rooted not just in tradition but also in the preservation of fundamental human ideas.
Émile Durkheim’s theory on primitive religious forms highlights the social nature of religious experiences, grounding religion in real society and emphasizing the collective expression of feelings.

33
Q

Dimensions of Myth: Sacred and Tradition

A

Myth has two essential dimensions: the religious experience and tradition. Myths originate from extraordinary events, condensing into epic cores transmitted through generations.
The sacred nature of myth provides consistency and makes them integral to community consciousness.
Tradition guarantees the legitimacy and permanence of myths within a community, especially in folklore that relies on strong religious sentiments.

34
Q

Kinship

A

Historical separation in social sciences led to anthropology studying traditional societies, while sociology focused on modern complex societies.
Evolutionary perspective dominated early anthropology, with scholars like Henry Sumner Maine and Lewis Henry Morgan examining kinship as a primary form of social organization.
Later, structural-functionalists like Radcliffe-Brown and Claude Lévi-Strauss explored kinship as a system that sustains social unity.

35
Q

Transition in Anthropological Approaches

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Shift from a diachronic (historical) view to a synchronic (structural) perspective is evident.
British anthropologist Radcliffe-Brown’s structural-functionalism emphasized societal systems analogous to biological organisms.
Claude Lévi-Strauss introduced the idea of kinship as a system of communication and exchange, especially through marriage alliances.

36
Q

Recent Perspectives on Kinship

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Post-1960s, focus shifted to the individual, and scholars like Edmund Leach and Rodney Needham introduced statistical and decisional models.
David Schneider challenged the concept of kinship, considering it a tool without a direct counterpart in reality.
The text proposes an alternative view, framing kinship as a system generating social unity and the legitimacy of early forms of authority.

37
Q

Social Kinship

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Definition: Refers to a special type of familial relationship not based on blood or affinity but serving to solidify a community.
Purpose: Integrates individuals into a social set of prescriptions, often surpassing the importance of biological or natural kinship.
Examples: Spiritual kinship, like the institution of godparenthood (nășia), where individuals who are not biologically related are linked through ritualized relationships.

38
Q

Occupational and Rural Property Kinship

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Frăția de Moșie: Based on communal property, particularly land inherited from a common ancestor, establishing a community of possession over the land.
Băciile de Rând: Found in pastoral societies, where close relationships or alliances between owners of herds and landowners are crucial for the management of herds.

39
Q

Mythical Kinship

A

Definition: The earliest perception of substantial identity within human groups, based on the connection between people and gods, sharing divine substance.
Solidarity Basis: Originally grounded in the physical resemblance among individuals. The first criterion for social groupings was often based on sex.
Totemism: Totemic systems, as interpreted by Emile Durkheim, involved descent from a common mythical ancestor, leading to a consubstantial relationship among clan members.

40
Q

Confraternities and Spiritual Fraternities

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Characteristics: Extended spiritual brotherhoods, often exclusive and related to military or paramilitary organizations.
Membership Criteria: Usually comprised young unmarried individuals without other familial ties, dedicating themselves to spiritual brotherhood.
Role: Played a significant role in traditional societies, akin to modern political parties, with selected members assuming authority and responsibilities for the community.

41
Q

Comparison with Modern Political Organizations

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Delegation of Power: Unlike modern political organizations where power is delegated, these spiritual fraternities assume and bear the power themselves.
Secretive Nature: They serve the community with tools and methods not accessible to everyone, and their authority is mystical, backed by the protection of a mysterious divinity.
Influence: Their intervention in the community is typically welcomed and observed attentively, contrasting with potential contestation faced by modern political parties.

42
Q

Territoriality and Society

A

Lewis Morgan’s Perspective: Lewis Morgan emphasizes the importance of kinship relations but acknowledges the existence of governance based on territorial relationships alongside kinship governance.
Concrete Form: The concrete manifestation of a territorial group is the village, and typical occupations are those associated with settled life, such as agriculture and pastoralism.
Initial Settlements: Initial settlements were often established in fertile regions abundant with game or crops.

43
Q

Mythic Experience of Space

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Similarity to Totemism: The solidarity of the community with its territory parallels the solidarity with the totem. Like the ancestral deity that generates and protects the tribe, the space where the community settles holds the seeds of life.
Inseparability from Religion and Family: In traditional societies, the experience of spatiality is inseparable from religious or familial dimensions. Primitive societies live in a diffuse mystical dimension that permeates all aspects of daily life, with a sense of the presence of mythical beings.

44
Q

Sacredness of Space

A

Lucien Lévy-Brühl’s Perspective: Primitive societies exist in a mystical dimension that penetrates every level of daily life. The sacredness of space is not apparent to everyone, leading to a constant danger of profanation by outsiders.
Example from Aranda Tribes in Oceania: Even if a region seems unremarkable to outsiders, the myths of indigenous people attribute grand activities to these places in the context of mythical time, creating a vivid narrative that transforms seemingly ordinary locations into the theater of significant events.